2008 Speeches and Articles
Remarks by Ambassador Daniel V. Speckhard
AHEPA 86th Supreme Conference, Athens, Greece
June 30, 2008
Good evening, Mr. Minister [of Finance], Mr. Vice-President of the Parliament, Mr. Deputy Minister [of Education], AHEPA Supreme President Ike Gulas, Daughters of Penelope Grand President Karen Stamatiades, District Governor Dr. Alfred J. Barich, and Chairman A. Stash Betzelos, members of AHEPA, the Daughters of Penelope, Sons of Pericles, and Maids of Athena. It is an honor for me to be here tonight with you. Thank you very much, Dr. Rupp, Mr. Samaras, for inviting me to speak. I consider the entire Greek-American community to be fellow Ambassadors, improving and maintaining the strong ties between our two countries.
As the largest of the Greek-American organizations, AHEPA gives much to Greece, and much to America. During and after last year’s devastating fires, after the earthquakes this month, and every day – whether through scholarships to young, deserving students or through a variety of other programs – AHEPA demonstrates its commitment to this country. And with its history of supporting civil rights in America and keeping people involved in the political system, AHEPA has also time and again proven its value to the United States. So, as the American Ambassador to Greece, I feel particularly fortunate to have you as a support network, demonstrating the best of our two countries and cultures.
Tonight, I’ll be talking to you about the regional issues that you care about most. But I will also talk about our broader relationship, and, in closing, about how far the United States and Greece have come, in just our lifetimes.
I feel that many times, the most essential part of our relationship -- our common goals and all that we share -- is lost through simple misunderstandings. And I know that, as Greek-Americans, you often bear the brunt of these misunderstandings, especially when we sometimes hear Greece being labeled incorrectly as “anti-American.”
In fact, I want to assure you that Greece and America continue to work extremely well together as allies, as we have since President Monroe expressed publicly in 1822 America’s hope that the Greeks would “recover their independence and assume their equal stature among the nations of the earth.” The strength of our relationship is built on the foundation of the common values that we share -- like democracy, freedom, and respect for human rights. Of course, we do not always agree on the specifics of how to achieve these ideals, but I think the differences are more often tactical rather than strategic, and I believe they are temporary rather than permanent.
When I arrived in Greece last November, I had four major foreign policy priorities: supporting stability in the Balkans; promoting stability in the eastern Mediterranean, and that includes the Cyprus issue; strengthening cooperation on counterterrorism issues and transnational threats; and improving economic cooperation and energy security.
The Balkans and NATO
In the Balkans, of course, the top current issue here is the name of Greece’s northern neighbor. First, let me say that I personally believe a solution can be found and that Athens and Skopje can reach it with political will and a focused effort, hopefully this year. Likewise, I believe that Greece is a staunch ally, one of our oldest and strongest partners. At the same time, welcoming a new friend and ally in Skopje is not incompatible with this fact. But I also understand the sensitivity of this issue. Greece is rightly proud of its ancient history, as it was known to Alexander the Great and his father Philip, whose tomb I had the honor of visiting earlier this year in Vergina.
The United States has consistently said it wants to see a solution to the name issue that is mutually acceptable to both Greece and Skopje, and that we would embrace whatever solution both parties could agree on. We support the United Nations having the leading role in facilitating the negotiations through its special negotiator. There was disappointment on all sides when a solution could not be found in time for the NATO Summit in April. But it is an unfortunate mischaracterization of the U.S. position at the Summit and in relation to Greece that often permeates popular opinion here. Some critics charge that the U.S. was not an ally of Greece and somehow abandoned our partner in an important moment. That’s just plain false.
We did believe strongly that an invitation to Skopje would be a positive and stabilizing force for a nascent country on Greece’s border. We thought this would be a good thing for Greece, as they have more to lose than anyone from instability in their neighborhood. We did not try to “impose” a name. We said that if a name could not be found in time, we believed that we should stick to the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia moniker and the Interim Agreement and find a solution in the months to come. This recognized that Skopje would not get its wish to turn an invitation into a membership until it agreed on a solution that could pass the muster of the Greek Parliament.
Now, so I don’t get hundreds of people coming up to me after this speech to tell me why this was impossible, let me assure you that I and all at the Embassy here in Athens understand why this did not work out. But the important point is that the U.S. was and still is an ally and partner of Greece, including on the name issue. When, at the end of the day, a solution could not be found that satisfied Greece we respected their decision, and in the tradition of the [NATO] Alliance, Skopje did not get an invitation. Do we still think it important for the Balkans, Greece, Europe, and most of all Skopje to become a member of NATO to anchor stability in this region? Absolutely. But we know this can only happen with a solution that satisfies our partner and ally Greece.
The key now is for a renewed effort in Skopje and Athens to resolve the issue once and for all. The UN negotiator was just here last week and then went on to Skopje, and had good meetings in both capitals. We expect that he will remain energetic in his efforts to find a solution as the Heads of State and Government agreed at the NATO summit, “as soon as possible.”
We see Greece as an indispensable partner in the Balkans, not just in promoting stability with its neighbor to the north, but also in encouraging its good friend Serbia to see its future not in terms of the past, but instead with an eye to the future: a Serbia that is integrated into Europe and Euro-Atlantic structures.
We have a vision of the Balkans where borders become less important as the freedoms and values that unite democracies allow for all to share in the common heritage and economic potential of this rich and diverse area. In Kosovo, while we have not always agreed on tactics with our Greek partners, we share the common goal of stability and respect for human rights and rule of law. And we are working together with the European Union to support these principles. The UN and EU are involved in securing stability in the Balkans and helping Serbia and Kosovo become firmly incorporated into Euro-Atlantic institutions. Greece is the anchor of stability in this region, and we are lucky such an ancient and rich tradition in democracy here to partner with the international community in supporting a stable and prosperous Balkans.
Greece/Cyprus/Turkey
The second policy priority is promoting stability in the eastern Mediterranean, where Greece is again a major player. Of course Cyprus is a key component of this stability. As you know, the U.S. supports a unified, federal, bi-zonal Cyprus. I am encouraged by recent talks and the willingness of President Christofias and Talat to sit down together. They have already taken a big first step in reopening the Ledra Gate. I know many of you want to see us more involved in the process. We are willing to do whatever we can to support a successful process and conclusion. However, our support and facilitation needs to be directed in such a way that helps and does not distract or the participants in the process from meaningful dialogue and compromises that will inevitably be necessary. So you will see our support, but we will be listening closely to those closest to the situation to know how and when we can support the process.
I am also encouraged by what’s going on between Greece and Turkey. I see the relationship at a high point now, much better than 10 years ago when “earthquake diplomacy” began, and continuing to improve. This is good for Greece. It’s good for Turkey. It’s good for the United States. I am confident that with patience, we are going to see more good developments.
One eventual result of improved Greek-Turkish relations, I hope, will be seen in the status of the Patriarchate and the Halki Seminary. After I visited with His All Holiness, Ecumenical Patriarch Bartholomew, in May, he said that the U.S. and the Patriarchate “serve the same ideals of justice, freedom and all the supreme moral values that exist over time and universally, and because of this, we share many common positions."
I reiterated to him the U.S. support for the reopening of the Halki Seminary as a vocational school, and our talks with Turkey to encourage them to permit it. But, I recognize that further improvements in the relationship will only come gradually, given the current domestic political issues in Turkey. Secretary Rice, in a speech to the Foreign Relations Council last week, noted that, while we cannot get involved in the court case, “We have to continue to support the democratic institutions of Turkey…We need to continue to speak up for reform in Turkey, for democracy in Turkey, for secular democracy in Turkey.” It may not move as fast as some would like, but I believe the Greek-Turkish relationship is on the right track and will continue to develop positively.
Counterterrorism/Transnational Threats
My third priority area is in counterterrorism cooperation and dealing with transnational threats. We have done a great deal of work in this area, and Greece can be proud of its record, for example, in wrapping up the threat that November 17 posed. There is more work to be done, and right now the U.S. is working with Greece to improve border security so that terrorists and criminals can be caught before they do harm, here or somewhere else. While our cooperation in these areas does not always make the newspaper headlines, it is strong, and we have made many advances.
Border security, for example, is one of the biggest parts of the Visa Waiver Program. It is fundamental not just to Greece but to all of Europe. We are working closely with Greek authorities on achieving visa free travel for Greek citizens by the end of this year. That goal is within reach, but there is still a lot of work to be done.
As you may also know, Greece has been a valuable partner in the Department of Homeland Security’s Container Security Initiative. CSI allows both Greece and the U.S. to ensure the integrity and security of goods transiting this country, making Greece a more attractive port for export and a more attractive business partner for U.S. companies and companies doing business with the U.S.
Economic Cooperation/Energy Security
This brings me to my fourth priority, economic cooperation and energy security. With growth rates above the EU average, Greece’s economy is dynamic and diverse. Economic ties between the U.S. and Greece are very broad, and I hope to deepen our cooperation in the economic, commercial and business areas in order to support more trade and investment.
On June 19, the Economic and Commercial Cooperation Commission had a productive meeting in Washington, DC. The overarching objective was to ensure that U.S.-Greek bilateral economic relations match the strength of the political relationship. Agreements reached in this meeting will help to lay the groundwork for increased future investment and trade between the U.S. and Greece, a goal which will depend upon continued reform and increased transparency in the Greek economy.
The U.S. also supports Greece’s efforts to be a regional energy hub and its commitment to ensure its own and Europe’s energy diversity through diversification of suppliers and supplies and a variety of other initiatives.
Let me wrap up my talk by highlighting two other areas of great cooperation and are a deep and enduring basis for our bilateral relations.
Close Cooperation: Military-Military
First, our military relationship is among the strongest in the world. Greek pilots fly the best plane in the world, the F-16, and we understand that Greece is soon embarking on additional arms purchases. We hope it chooses U.S. made arms. But even more important is that the procurement choice is not political, but is based on price and quality, that the process is transparent and competitive. Anything less is neither good for the Greek taxpayer nor for the pilot or soldier that has to use the equipment. Greece should not feel obliged to prove its friendship or curry favor with another country by purchasing that country’s arms.
Indeed, our longstanding military relationship is so much more than the buying and selling of armaments. We share a long history of defense cooperation, even before the Marshall Plan and the Truman Doctrine kept Greece in the West, away from the yoke of communism. Our Office of Defense Cooperation has played an instrumental role in fostering our positive military relationship.
Today, U.S. operations in the Middle East and the Mediterranean are supported by the U.S. Naval facility at Souda Bay on Crete. Greece is one of the NATO Allies active in Afghanistan. The U.S. appreciates Greece’s contribution in Afghanistan and hopes Greece will consider additional contributions of its valuable and much needed resources. In Lebanon in 2006, the Greek military was the first on the scene with aircraft and ships and was evacuating Americans, along with a large number of other nationalities, even before the U.S. military. Greece has fully supported the U.S. Navy ship visit program and is a favorite destination of U.S. sailors.
Close Cooperation: Culture & Education
We also enjoy a rich partnership on the cultural level. More than anything else, I have enjoyed getting to know Greeks on a personal level, and enjoying the history, art, the beautiful countryside, and of course the excellent food! Americans are avid Philhellenes, and you can see that both in our government buildings, which were built in ancient Greek style, and in our Constitution, which was based on Greek philosophy and ideals.
Educational exchange programs between the U.S. and Greece have been traditionally strong. Our Fulbright Commission in Greece is the oldest in Europe – we just celebrated its 60th Anniversary – and AHEPA has been instrumental in keeping education a top priority here. And right now, Greece is going through a critical discussion of education reform. This is, of course, an internal issue for Greeks to decide among themselves, but we wish for them an educational system that will match the rich and proud history of the great thinkers that this country produced. We hope that the exchange of students and faculty, and the growing number of cooperative programs between Greek and U.S. universities, will contribute to this goal.
How Far We’ve Come
I’d like to finish by reflecting on how far Greek-American relations have come since World War II.
From being a recipient of Marshall Plan relief and assistance, Greece is now our partner in regional assistance programs. Just this month, our US Agency for International Development signed an agreement to work together with Hellenic Aid on regional assistance programs and renewable energy in the Balkans.
And from receiving critical military assistance under the Truman doctrine, Greece is now a critical, strategic partner in the NATO and the EU, on regional security issues, on the Middle East, and on so many important global security initiatives.
I know that we couldn’t have gotten to this point in our relationship without the intense efforts of AHEPA, the Daughters of Penelope, the Sons of Pericles, the Maids of Athena, and the entire Greek-American community.
Once again, I’d like to thank you very much for your help in maintaining one of America’s oldest and most critical alliances. Now, I’d like to hear from you. I’ve got some time for your questions.